Author: Jahangir HUSEYNOV
The French President Emmanuel Macron has cancelled his participation in the Munich Security Conference scheduled for February 15-17, and the joint statement with the German Chancellor on February 16. For many, this was a sign confirming that the friction in Franco-German relations, sometimes quite noticeable last year, has not disappeared, despite the pompous signing ceremony of the Aachen Treaty.
Allegations have followed shortly after, claiming that Macron's refusal to visit Munich was connected with the categorical disagreement of Paris with Berlin regarding the construction of the Russian Nord Stream-2 gas pipeline.
Indeed, both countries have had disagreements over the issue. But suddenly and unexpectedly for many, on February 8 the Committee of EU Permanent Representatives in Brussels reviewed a joint Franco-German proposal to the European Parliament and the European Commission on the adoption of "new rules for transportation of natural gas without blocking the Nord Stream-2 project".
As for the absence of Emmanuel Macron at the Munich Conference, the official explanation is the same as it was for the Davos forum—the internal situation in France obliges the president to be in the country.
The existing conflict with the Yellow Vests movement indeed blocks Emmanuel Macron in the international arena. The winner of the 2017 presidential elections with the slogan "Let's make our planet great again" and the ardent opponent of the isolationism policy proclaimed by Donald Trump, Macron has been forced to remain in the country for almost four months trying to find a common language with its own people.
Over the past two years, Macron has not made any significant progress during his tenure. The reforms he promised, both domestically and in the European Union, are stalling, encountering strong resistance even from seemingly like-minded people.
Germany, the major EU sponsor, for a long time has left his calls for the creation of a common Eurozone budget to ensure stability in times of economic turmoil, as well as the establishment of the post of EU Finance Minister unanswered. In December 2018, 19 Eurozone states finally agreed to reform the European Monetary Union, although Macron's proposals had been significantly tougher.
This time, however, sceptics believe that France and Germany will have problems due to different visions on the Eurozone reform.
It would be wrong to assume that the positions of the two largest European economies do not match so much that this would have negative implication on the EU project.
Nevertheless, both Merkel and Macron have to take into account their weak positions within their respective countries and therefore are determined to defend and strengthen the European Union. This is particularly important given Great Britain's intention to leave the EU, and also because of the growing number of populist European leaders in Italy, Hungary, Poland and others trying to shake the union from within. For example, Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini threatened Berlin and Paris that the supporters of a "completely new Europe" would win in the May elections to the governing bodies of the European Union. "Poland and Italy will be the heroes of the new European spring," Salvini said.
Treaties fade like young girls and roses
The Franco-German Reconciliation and Friendship Treaty was signed at the Élysée Palace in Paris on January 22, 1963 between President Charles de Gaulle and Chancellor Conrad Adenauer. The agreement was meant not only to establish friendly and business relations between the past enemies, but also to signal to other countries of the continent that the time had come for unity for the benefit of a stable and prosperous Europe.
The treaty had a major advantage in terms of the successful introduction of various communication tools at all levels—from politicians and the military to youth and residents of border areas. Both parties have made mutual commitments to coordinate foreign policy, military cooperation and educational programs.
However, the interests of France and Germany have diverged since in some ways. During the ratification of the Élysée Treaty, the German parliament added a preamble emphasising the country's special relations with the United States. This made General de Gaulle so angry that he uttered the famous phrase: "Treaties are like roses and young girls. They last while they last." One can see his point. After all, one of the key incentives of both parties was the intention to resist the US influence.
The Capital of the West
After 56 years, on January 22, 2019, France and Germany signed a new agreement in the small German town of Aachen that significantly complements and expands the old one. It is twice as large as the Élysée Treaty and significantly more ambitious.
The choice of the venue has not been accidental either. Back in the days, the city of Aachen, or Aix-la-Chapelle in French, was the capital of the Western Roman Empire (or Francia) led by Charles the Great, and then the coronation site of the emperors of the Holy Roman Empire. In 1668 and 1748, the rival European powers signed a number of peace treaties in this city.
In 1818, Aix-la-Chapelle hosted the first international congress following the 1814-1815 Vienna Treaty, which marked the establishment of a new political and legal order in Europe after revolutions and Napoleonic wars.
Since 1950, Aachen has been the place where the Charlemagne Prize is awarded for contribution to European unification and international cooperation. In 2008, the prize was awarded to Merkel, and in 2018 to Macron for his "determined fight against any form of nationalism and isolation to overcome the European crisis."
That is why it is assumed that the two leading European economies have not chosen the venue and time of signing by chance. It's time to prepare for joint efforts to overcome the looming crisis. The European project requires a tougher core, and it is time for France and Germany to show determination to shape it. This time however German commitments to Washington are unlikely to have any meaning. Donald Trump is less popular in Berlin than in Paris. Obviously, the negligent downgrade of the diplomatic status of the EU representation to Washington by the US administration did not give rise to sympathy on the other side of the Atlantic.
Paris and Berlin agreed
"The close friendship between France and Germany remains an essential element of a united, efficient, sovereign and strong European Union," the treaty states, underlining that the main axis of Europe remains strong and ready to withstand growing Euro-sceptical nationalism. Both countries confirmed their intention to form joint positions on all major European issues.
The treaty also suggests the creation of a Franco-German economic space with common rules. The joint expert council will seek for ways to harmonise difficult areas of economic law and eliminate investment barriers. President Emmanuel Macron's intention would be that the Franco-German economic space becomes a "laboratory of convergence between European countries."
Paris and Berlin agreed to harmonise their defence programs, including the creation of a joint Council on Defence and Security and a desire to harmonise the rules for the export of military equipment. Chancellor Merkel stated that this would be a step towards the creation of a future united European army.
Both countries agreed to mutually provide "possible assistance in the event of an armed attack on their territories." This will be ensured "by all the means at their disposal, including the armed forces." Apparently, there is nothing new, since the agreement seems in line with the provision to provide "mutual protection or assistance" adopted within the NATO framework. But in fact, this should be considered as an added insurance in case if NATO be paralysed, given Washington's intention to stop funding NATO.
The treaty also secured France’s support for Germany’s long-term campaign for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, as well as strengthening ties along the 450 km long common border, which many people cross daily in search of work, study or entertainment. France and Germany also encourage their citizens to learn each other’s language and improve mutual recognition of academic qualifications. To facilitate all these measures, greater autonomy may be granted to some regions in both countries.
Criticism and fakes
It would be strange if ideological opponents of Merkel and Macron did not criticise the treaty. Of course, this criticism included both reasonable and fake allegations. For example, the leader of the French National Front, Marine Le Pen, claims that France will eventually give up its seat in the UN Security Council to Germany (which is simply impossible according to the rules of the organisation) and will even share control over its arsenal of nuclear weapons.
The signatories recognise that the unification of defence programs is a very complicated thing. France and Germany set up a joint military brigade in 1989, which does not have mixed companies though. The soldiers are trained in accordance with their national standards and use different weapons. Currently, the brigade is stationed in Mali, but while the French soldiers are involved in anti-terrorist missions, their German counterparts provide only military training to local troops. This does not mean a lack of understanding, but cultural differences between the armed forces of the two countries.
There are other differences, which have yet to be overcome. The main thing is to have a desire to understand each other and make compromises such as the agreement on the Nord Stream-2 gas pipeline. We can only hope that General de Gaulle was not always right.
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