PROTESTS IN THE "SPHERE OF INFLUENCE"

Latin America is experiencing a new outbreak of social unrest.  The mass demonstrations in a whole series of countries are occurring against the backdrop of the growing resistance of local governments to the influence of the USA.

The head of government was replaced in Peru as a result of pressure from the opposition. Rene Cornejo, the former housing minister, has become the country's new prime minister. The previous head of government, Cesar Villanueva, became the object of almost nationwide censure after a scandal caused by an unjustified promise to raise the minimum wage in Peru (it is approximately 270 dollars [per month]). Once he had announced such a populistic idea, Villanueva stated that he had agreed the issue of raising wages with the Finance Minister Luis Miguel Castilla. The latter, however, refuted what the prime minister had said, after stating that he had never ever discussed this issue with Villanueva.

Of late, moreover Peru has experienced serious public protests, while Argentina, for instance, has traditionally been one of the epicentres of social unrest in Latin America. Last February there were a whole series of protests in particular in the towns of Resistencia and Cordoba. The Argentinians are demanding from the authorities an increase in the amount of social benefits.

The protest movement is gathering strength in Brazil as well. Since last summer this major country in Latin America has been gripped by mass unrest, resulting from government cuts in social security and the development of transport. The Brazilians are quite rightly regarded as major experts on and has spent billions of dollars on organising the World Football Championship, which is to take place in Brazil this summer.

Speaking at the world economic forum in Davos in January, Brazil's president, Dilma Rousseff gave assurances that the country was ready to hold the best world championship in the history of football. However, everything indicates that that the World Cup has become a weighty reason for millions of Brazilians to recall the unenviable social state of affairs and to voice their protest against the government's economic policy and the corruption enveloping the whole system of authority.

It has to be admitted moreover that Brazil is one of the most successful Latin American countries, precisely because it has been implementing a socially targeted policy. This was mainly promoted by the left-wing governments of the last decade. Therefore the experts are expressing the opinion that the current protests in Brazil are a new phenomenon, in as much as they are occurring regardless of the fact that the government has really been doing quite a lot to bring the poor up to the standard of the middle class. But it all hinges on the fact that poverty in the countries of Latin America, including such relatively developed ones as Brazil and Argentina, is such a widespread phenomenon and in a certain sense even such a deep-rooted one that there is no way that this Gordian knot can be cut in any way. 

Another obvious example of how this rapidly growing social crisis is developing is Venezuela, where the protest movement has become especially targeted of late. Many observers do not even rule out the possibility of civil war starting in the Bolivian Republic. 

The actions of the Venezuelan opposition are accompanied by violent clashes with the police, during which dozens of people have already perished. The protesters are demanding of the authorities that they immediately resolve the nationwide problems (ranging from the rapidly rising crime rate to the shortage of staple foodstuffs) and they are even demanding that President Nicolas Maduro resign. The demonstrations in different towns and cities in Venezuela in February have been the biggest ones since Maduro came to power in the spring of 2013. He became head of state after the death of the previous president, Hugo Chavez, who appointed Maduro his political successor while he was still alive. However, in continuing to pursue Chavez's socialist policy, Maduro is facing some major problems. The economic situation in the country has deteriorated over the past year: inflation was approximately 56 per cent owing to the fact that the government had to surreptitiously devalue the local currency, the bolivar, and from time to time the most basic staples would disappear from the shops. It cannot be ruled out that Venezuela, similar to Cuba, will have to go over to a ration-card system. True, for the moment President Maduro categorically denies that such a thing could happen. The introduction of ration cards would be a great blow to Maduro's authority as the leader of a "socialist state" possessing the largest amount of oil reserves in Latin America.

Crime presents just as serious a problem for Venezuela as the social adversities. Twenty-three murders were committed in the country in the last year alone. Venezuela is right down at the end of the world ratings when it comes to safety. 

In trying to achieve the much-needed national consensus in order to resolve the country's pressing problems and avoid further protest actions, the Venezuelan leader has initiated the convening of a nationwide conference on reconciliation. But the opposition forces have ignored this measure, calling the Maduro proposed talks "a political show" and "an insult" to the protesters who have died.

Moreover, in the Venezuelan protests, just as in the unrest in other countries in the region the US factor is having an obvious or an invisible impact; traditionally, since back in the times of Monroe doctrine two centuries ago the USA has viewed Latin America as its sphere of influence. This is particularly obvious in the case of countries like Venezuela which has been pursuing a markedly anti-American course. Therefore the United States' support for the local opposition comes as no surprise. Nicolas Maduro himself asserts that Washington, which is planning a coup d'?tat in Venezuela, is behind the actions of the opposition. This statement is thought to be tied up with the expulsion of three American diplomats from the country, who, according to the explanations of official Caracas, had, under the pretext of carrying out their consular duties, infiltrated Venezuelan institutions of higher education and encouraged the students to take part in anti-government actions.

The Venezuelan Foreign Ministry called the demands of US President Barack Obama that the Venezuelan authorities "should heed the lawful claims of its people instead of accusing American diplomats" "blatant interference in the internal affairs of the state". Caracas' abrupt tone has provoked individual statements from influential politicians in the USA. For example, Senator John McCain, who called upon the White House to send warships with troops to Venezuela to guarantee order in the country and the uninterrupted supply of petroleum products. The reference to the latter is extremely noteworthy, for the United States is the major importer of Venezuelan oil. 

However, in spite of all the difficulties in relations with the USA, the Venezuelan leaders do not, to all appearances, wish to aggravate them any further. Therefore Maduro has appealed to Obama "for dialogue between patriotic, revolutionary Venezuela and the US government. I have accepted the challenge, so let us begin the dialogue at summit level and lay the truth out on the table".

Caracas has moreover decided to put an end to the current vague state of diplomatic relations with the USA, when the two countries diplomatic missions are being run by charges d'affairs. This situation has been going on since 2010 when Hugo Chavez refuses to accept ambassador Larry Leon Palmer who had been appointed by President Obama. Chavez accused the latter of disrespectful remarks regarding Venezuela. Washington responded by invalidating the visa of Venezuelan ambassador Bernado Alvarez Herrera. Now President Maduro has put forward a new candidate for the post of Venezuelan ambassador to the USA: this is Maximilien Arvelaiz, the present ambassador to Brazil.

However, this initiative on the part of Caracas is only one of a few gestures of good will against the backdrop of the unrest gripping South America. It is not easy for the countries of the region to overcome the economic and social misfortunes that have accumulated over the decades. But it is even more difficult to tackle these problems when the internal political situation is being stirred up from outside, something in which some powers and the transnational corporations connected with them are openly taking an interest. Both the former and the latter continue to view Latin America as a sphere of influence which is extremely attractive for the market. This actual situation, coupled with the age-old backwardness of the Latin American countries is so long-lasting that even those regional states which frequently resort to left-wing radical measures in their politics are having a hard job trying to overcome it.