INTERVENTION INTO MALI

The "Dark Continent" is very much in the news these days. The French military operation in Mali, which was once part of French West Africa and gained independence in 1960, has revealed a host of political, economic, cultural, civilizational and humanitarian problems that countries of one the poorest and most conflict prone regions of the world will have to resolve, not to mention the superpowers that consider Africa their traditional zone of influence and responsibility.

"Serval" against "Azawad"

It all started when the rebels, fighting against the central government in Mali, managed to gain control over the city of Kona in the heart of the country, which opened the way to the capital Bamako. President of Mali Diunkunde Traore sought military assistance from France on the grounds that his regime would fall under the blows of the Islamists which have occupied the entire north of the country.

Thus began Operation "Serval" (named after the African wild cat), France's intervention in Mali which President Francois Hollande motivated by the need to support Bamako in its fight against terrorists. Paris had quite significant international legal basis for the intervention: the UN Security Council at a special meeting last December called for the introduction of an international peacekeeping force to the African nation torn apart by internal conflict.

France's action was supported, above all, by member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). An emergency summit of this organization called on the international community to "immediately provide financial and logistical support" to Malian troops. Their consent to participate in the operation in Mali alongside France was given by Benin, Ghana, Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso and Togo.

So what is the source of the conflict which has reverberated far beyond Mali? First of all, it is obvious that an escalation of the Malian conflict was triggered by the civil war in Libya, which was accompanied by external aggression and led to the fall of many years of authoritarian dictatorship of Muammar Gaddafi. The outcome of the military campaign to displace the Jamahiriya regime displeased the Tuareg tribes whose whole units were once part of the Libyan army (the Tuareg positions in Libya were reinforced after they were squeezed out of their lands in the north of Niger and Mali). The collapse of the Gaddafi regime has forced the Tuareg, who suddenly found themselves to be outcasts in yet another country of the "Arab revolution", to return to Mali. Shortly afterwards a single rebel Tuareg organization, "the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad", was established and became an ally of the "Ansar Din" group fighting for Islamic order.

In January-March 2012, the Tuareg and Islamists jointly seized almost half of Mali. In order "to save the territorial integrity of the country", the military led by Captain Amadou Sanogo staged a coup on 22 March, resulting in the ascent of Diunkunde Traore, a puppet in the hands of the rebels, to power.

On 6 April 2012, the Touareg proclaimed the independent state of "Azawad" and announced the creation of its interim transitional government. The goal of the rebels is to transform Mali, with its 90 per cent Sunni Muslim population, into an Islamic state. In addition, Malian rebels created a "Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa", whose very name could not but cause great concern of the authorities of neighboring countries.

The Islamist offensive on Bamako raised the question of the future of Mali and the entire region in ECOWAS countries and in France, which patronizes them. French military sources report that Islamists were kicked out of the strategic cities of Diabali, Duentsa and Kona in the central part of the country in the first days of Operation "Serval". French commandos squeeze Islamists to the north, towards the towns of Gao and Timbuktu. Parallel to this, the armies of neighboring African states are preparing attacks on rebel positions.

So apparently thing are only beginning to unfold in Mali. Realizing this, Paris has secured broad international support for its military operations, especially, of course, from its allies in the West.

Support for France and attack on Amenas

France has been supported by the leading superpowers of Europe. British Prime Minister David Cameron, speaking at an emergency meeting of the National Security Council on the issue of the providing Paris with assistance in its Malian operation, said that it would consist in the provision of military equipment, transport planes, military instructors to train the Malian army under the relevant EU mission, and provision of intelligence data to the French side. A little later the British prime minister expressed his conviction that the threat of terrorist activity on the part of Islamist militants in the Sahel region of Africa was becoming increasingly tangible and that "it would take years, even decades, not months", to combat it.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel has also fully supported the military operation in Mali. "We are facing new challenges in the field of security. Today we are in an asymmetrical confrontation with Islamist terrorists. But, of course, we are confronting these challenges together. And Germany is on the side of France in regard to the operation in Mali. We support France," said the head of the German government.

As part of its logistical support for Operation "Serval", Germany sent two military transport aircraft Transall to Africa. These will be used to transport troops from ECOWAS countries to the capital of Mali. Berlin is also expected to take part in the EU mission to train Malian soldiers.

But the biggest support for the French is provided by the United States. Above all, this involves assistance in the transportation of troops and equipment to Mali. Washington also provides the French military with extremely important intelligence information, satellite imagery, results of observations on the rebel territory by unmanned aircraft and monitoring of mobile phones.

However, not everything is as smooth in the global perception of the French operation in Mali. Sharp criticism has been voiced by Egyptian President Mohammed Mursi. Speaking at the Arab League Summit in Al-Riyadh, he said Egypt did not support the military operation as this will lead to the emergence of a new hot spot in the region and deepen the divide between North African countries and their southern neighbors.

A position on the matter has also been expressed by the president of the International Association of Muslim Scholars, Sheikh Yusuf Qaradawi, who is considered to be ideological leader of the "Muslim Brotherhood". He condemned the invasion of France in Mali and encouraged Paris to first exhaust all possible means for the peaceful settlement of the conflict and to implement national reconciliation without bloodshed in Mali." In addition, the Qaradawi-led Association appealed to the Malian rebels calling for dialogue and a just and peaceful solution to the conflict.

At the same time, the complexity of a peace settlement has been clearly demonstrated by the tragic events in Algeria. In response to the French intervention in Mali, Islamists attacked the Amenas oil and gas industry compound in Algeria owned Algerian company Sonatrach, British BP and Norway's Statoil. Several hundred people, including 130 foreigners, were taken hostage. The terrorists demanded release of their supporters imprisoned in Algeria, a cessation of hostilities in Mali and a cancellation of the Algerian authorities' permission previously issued to France to use the airspace of Algeria. In response, the Algerian authorities stormed the gas facility, killing 32 terrorists and, according to various estimates, from 40 to 80 hostages, including 37 foreigners.

The head of one of the Islamist groups, Mokhtar Belmokhtar, has recorded a video message declaring that all the "crusaders" involved in the operation against the Tuareg in Mali were a legitimate target for his supporters. He warned that attacks on the citizens of the countries involved in this operation would be continued until the end of the foreign intervention in Mali.

"Safeguarding the principles" or a "neocolonial approach"?

The issue of an early end to the French military operation in Mali is directly related to the goals and objectives that have preconditioned the strikes on Islamist forces in the West African country. French President Francois Hollande has said that the military campaign in Mali is not associated with any political issues and that France was fighting for one single goal - to "safeguard the principles". "If it hadn't been not for the French intervention, the terrorists would have captured the whole of Mali," Hollande adds.

Of course Paris is fairly concerned about a possible establishment of an Islamist regime in Mali, making it a source of destabilization in the region and possibly terrorist training camps seeing Europe and the West as an enemy of the Islamic world. This explains the fact that Paris is focusing not only on preventing the rebels from reaching the capital of Mali, but also on their expelling them from the African state.

But a very interesting statement for the Elysee Palace has been issued by ex-French president Valery Giscard d'Estaing, who warned Francois Hollande that the intervention in Mali might turn into a "neocolonial campaign".

There is a view that the military action of the French in Mali represents another special operation aimed at re-colonization of Africa. The recent objects of such operations (whether military, political or purely economic) have included Sudan whose subordination was achieved by the interested superpowers through division of the state, namely separation of its oil fields, as well as Libya and Cote d'Ivoire, who were tamed by West through direct military intervention. As for Mali, it appears likely that this country will probably also have to pay for the prevention of Islamist dictatorship or collapse of the State with its sovereignty and natural resources. For this, it is believed that the French troops will stay in Mali, in the words of Francois Hollande, "as long as necessary".

Meanwhile, the factor of natural resources as a basic cause of re-colonization has its own peculiarities in the case of Mali. This country is not rich in oil resources, it simply borders on the hydrocarbon-rich Algeria. But it is known as a major supplier of gold, and its resources are considered promising for the exploration and mining of diamonds, iron ore, non-ferrous metals and uranium (the fields are located in the north, in the self-declared "Azawad" state). But uranium is not extracted in Mali yet. This is something the neighboring Niger can boast of, as it is considered the main base of France's nuclear industry. And this is yet another reason behind French hyperactivity in Mali. By preventing the Islamization of Mali, Paris also strives to maintain order in Niger, which is so important to it.

But how realistic are the chances of France to achieve a rapid and complete military success in Mali? The experience of similar wars, the classic example of which is the Afghan campaign which at the beginning was marked by a displacement of the Taliban from the country but then entered an "unending phase" of radical revenge does not provide a clear answer to this question. Even if we assume a complete defeat of "Azawad" and the ousting of Islamists from northern Mali, insurgents can easily cross the sands of the Sahara into Algeria or Libya with all the ensuing consequences for the Southern Mediterranean. Besides, the French and their Western allies, trying to maintain their geopolitical leadership in the north and west Africa, appear to be unaware of what to offer to the Tuareg. And without an agreement with them it will be impossible to talk about long-term stability in these regions.

Finally, the West and indeed the entire world community should think about the consequences of an impending humanitarian disaster in Mali. The UN refugee agency is concerned that the number of refugees as a result of military operations in Mali may reach 700,000, of whom 400,000 will seek refuge in neighboring countries and 300,000 will be settled in Mali proper.

In addition, there are shocking facts of suffering and death among innocent civilians. Human Rights Watch says it has obtained reliable information confirming serious human rights violations by the armed forces of Mali supported by French troops in a military operation against the Islamists. There have been cases of murder of civilians, mostly the Tuareg, Arabs and other ethnic groups that are the main social base for Islamist movements.