A PARLIAMENT, BUT NOT YET A GOVERNMENT

It is over. The first session of the Kyrgyz parliament (called the Zhogorku Kenesh) was held exactly one month after voting day. The elections were held on 10 October and on 10 November, 120 people from five parties received their mandates. Certificates and lapel badges were presented by the deputy head of the Central Election Commission ... Many sighed with relief, while for others it was a surprise.

The first meeting of the new parliament had been postponed three or even four times. Lawsuits from parties which failed to win the elections did not allow the parliament to get started. In the end, President Otunbayeva posted a recording in her video diary promising, rather than hoping, that the parliament would meet on 9 November. It failed again. And it met only on the second day... It is a funny story. Early in the morning, I called the government press service: 

- Hello, when is the session? 

- Well, who knows?

In less than three minutes, they called back: 

- Urgent, very urgent. It will be at nine.

But a surprise awaited the deputies. The government building (where the legislature will now sit - the old building was too cramped for the 120 new deputies) was surrounded by people. They looked aggressive and I tried not to get too close. They blocked all entrances to the area. They said - "We will not let in former Bakiyev supporters", for them that meant any official-looking people in suits and ties. One television reporter, dressed in a brand new suit, barely escaped as he failed to convince them that he was not a former official. Enraged women attacked the former ombudsman Tursunbay Bakir. They were screaming something; you can only make out the phrase "do you promise?" These protesters were relatives of those killed on 7 April and those who were injured on that day.

By hook or by crook, many deputies still managed to get inside. In the lobby, they were met with tables covered with starched snow-white tablecloths; the scent of strong coffee and fresh pastries mingled with cigarette smoke. No-one said hello. It was strange. The meeting room was empty. Babanov entered, followed by his faction like a pioneer squad. Two dozen completely brand new and already leading lights of the parliament. All are "Republicans". They took their seats.

Tekebayev slipped in quickly, almost imperceptibly. Restrained and stately, constantly adjusting his watch, Kulov also took his seat (no wonder "Iron Feliks" sat at the head of his Ar-Namys faction).

The hall froze... The ceremony began. CEC head Akylbek Sariyev, hunched over as if indicating he would not mind having a nap, presented IDs, badges and red roses to each person. Roza Otunbayeva herself was not present when the mandates were handed over. She arrived later, after a couple of hours, and addressed the opening session of parliament.

There was an impression that the president's speech had been written by the same person who used to write for Bakiyev - the same phrases and expressions. The head of the republic once again, but this time from the parliamentary tribune, said how hard it had been to hold elections under existing conditions. The president has far fewer powers now, but she can still do something. For example, "distinguished deputies, we have to form a government by 27 November," the head of state told the deputies.

Only two weeks. We must act. But who will control the parliament? Which party? None has numerical superiority and the forces are roughly equal. Otunbayeva, using an article of the Constitution, instructed the Social Democrats (SDPK - the second in the parliament) to form a parliamentary majority and nominate the prime minister. That is the main plot. All the leaders understand that they have to be "friends", but with whom and on what terms? For the time being, only the Republicans have given their consent to cooperation with the SDPK, but that is not enough to secure decisions. There are disagreements on many issues with the leaders of other factions. The Social Democrats, as shown by the elections, do not have enough popular support. On the other hand, the president orders a party which took an active part in the April revolution to establish a coalition. If Otunbayeva had immediately plumped for Ata-Zhurt or Ar-Namys, the heads of state's associates and society would not have understood that. Thus experts predict that the first attempt to create a majority coalition is doomed to failure. The countdown has begun - if the government is not formed within 15 days, the head of state will be forced to dissolve the legislature and call new elections. Faction leaders are in intensive negotiations. Apparently, no one wants to yield. Everyone sees himself as prime minister, i.e. the first person in the country.

People, meanwhile, have sighed with relief. They finally came together. But after a campaign full of compromising dossiers, intrigue and scandals and the long process before official results were announced, many no longer take the new parliament seriously. The security forces are still on alert.

But there are glimmers of hope. The country is often visited by foreign guests from the donor community. The World Bank, the Japanese ... all are ready to provide assistance, primarily financial. Kyrgyzstan, however, is still in a protracted nosedive. The political crisis has yet to be overcome. Ordinary people just want to survive. Food becomes more expensive every week. In the north, a loaf of bread from best quality flour already costs 41 soms (about 90 cents). Drivers are not very happy as the price of fuel has changed three times this week, always upwards. Thoughts of emigration can only increase. They are leaving by the thousands. And the new prime minister and his cabinet will have to lead the country out of all this... The only question is: which of the five will take responsibility for this heavy burden?