WHEN WILL THE THAW SET IN?

The military conflict between Russia and Georgia and the recognition by Moscow of independence for South Ossetia and Abkhazia have dramatically changed the geopolitical situation in the region. The trust between the two neighbours, which has hung by a thread in recent years, has finally been cut. It is out of the question to talk about the possibilities of a restoration of trust in the foreseeable future. But this is only half of the problem. After recent events in the South Caucasus, the armour of international trust has also developed a noticeable crack. Polarization has deepened, the arms race has accelerated and signs of Cold War have become visible, not to mention the social and economic problems caused by this conflict. But what are the views of the parties to the conflict themselves about the way out of the current situation? What steps do they plan to take? Under which conditions can we expect a normalization of relations between them? Georgian Foreign Minister Eka Tqeshelashvili shared Tbilisi's views with our correspondent.

-Minister Tqeshelashvili, the leaders of the separatist regions in Georgia have started to make statements about joining Russia or a federative state of Russia and Belarus. How will Tbilisi react to this scenario?

-Russia has effectively annexed Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region in Georgia. A process of absorption of these regions into Russia's political, economic and legal orbit is under way. Representatives of the separatist regime have confirmed that investors who operate in Abkhazia will do so according to Russian law. And Prime Minister Putin said that Russia plans to abolish its border with the Tskhinvali region.

In view of all this and against the backdrop of the de facto annexation of Georgian territories, any further steps toward their formal annexation will not make much difference.

At all events, Georgia and the international community will proceed with their efforts to bring Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region back into Georgian jurisdiction. At the same time, Georgia reaffirms its obligations to grant these regions the broadest possible autonomy within the internationally recognized Georgian borders.

-How likely are the restoration of Georgia's territorial integrity and reintegration of the breakaway regions following recent developments?

-The unilateral recognition by Russia of the Georgian territories of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region does not mean at all that reintegration of these territories into the Georgian state has become impossible. As a result of its military aggression against Georgia and its occupation of a significant part of our territory, Russia has once and for all removed the mask of "neutral player" in the process of regulation of the conflicts and made its ulterior goals with regard to Georgia clear. At present, it is obvious to everyone that this is Russia's attempt to single-handedly change, by use of force, the internationally recognized borders of a European democracy. The international community will never agree to this. I strongly believe that by combining its efforts with those of its international partners, Georgia will achieve a final political settlement of this conflict. Of course, this will take much time and energy.

-In your opinion what would be the optimum international format under which it would be possible to rebuild trust between the parties to the conflict and get them to the negotiating table?

-Together with the United Nations and the OSCE, which are already involved in the process of a peaceful settlement in Georgia, the optimum format for restoration of trust between the parties implies the full-scale participation of such assisting bodies as the EU and the United States.

It must be said that to regulate conflicts on its territory, Georgia has always sought direct dialogue with the Abkhazians and South Ossetians. But Moscow, which totally controls the separatist regimes, has always hindered direct contacts of this type. There is every reason to say that, after Russia's intervention, these separatist regimes have lost all influence (if they ever had any) and their real weight now equals zero. Essentially, one main player, Russia, is in complete control of the situation in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali, which completely invalidates all attempts by Moscow to present the separatist regimes as independent players. The only purpose of this lie is to finally block the peace process and lead it to impasse.

-Under what conditions would it be possible to resume diplomatic relations and dialogue between Moscow and Tbilisi?

-It will be possible to start talking about normalizing relations and resuming diplomatic ties between Georgia and Russia only when Russia honours the obligations it assumed before France as the president state of the EU. This, first and foremost, implies the restoration of the status quo which existed in the conflict zones before 7 August 2008, in other words, complete withdrawal of all Russian troops from the territory of Georgia and revision of the decision to recognise the independence of Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region.

-After the escalation of tensions in the South Caucasus, statements are being made about the need to accept Georgia into NATO at an accelerated pace. On the other hand, there is a view that NATO will not rush that decision to avoid pouring fuel on the fire.  What is Tbilisi's position on this issue?

-Let me remind you that the alliance has already reached a political decision on Georgia's membership of NATO. NATO expansion after the dissolution of the Soviet Union was the greatest strategic success. Together with NATO expansion, the area of security, stability and democracy in Europe has expanded considerably, which in large part has helped strengthen security within NATO itself. There is no doubt that, had the Eastern European and Baltic states not been members of the alliance, Moscow would have tried to spread its so-called "zone of privileged interests" to include their territories as well. We are certain that, just like the previous rounds of NATO expansion, Georgia's accession will also serve to strengthen the security of the entire alliance as one step towards a united, free and peaceful Europe.

-What is your assessment of the position which Azerbaijan has taken on the Georgian-Russian conflict?

-It should be noted that Georgia and Azerbaijan are strategic partners, sharing many political and economic interests, including their interests in the international organization of GUAM. At the same time, both countries have unregulated conflicts on their territories which pose a threat to their sovereignty and territorial integrity. In this situation, both countries take a coordinated position in the international arena.

-How secure is the infrastructure of regional projects within Georgian territory in this situation?

-The military aggression of Russia against Georgia had economic aims too: to cause damage to the infrastructure of regional projects and to prevent their operation. In the final analysis, we can talk about an attempt to undermine European energy security by preventing the diversification of energy supply. International efforts have thwarted Russia's aggressive plans, including its plan to destroy both the economic and transit potential of Georgia. It was an instance of blackmail on the Russians' part, accompanied by violence and an aim to "bury" the projects which were beyond Russia's control. As a result of this aggression, Russia has suffered greater political and economic damage than Georgia. Georgian statehood has survived this act of aggression and, with the assistance of the international community, which we very much appreciate, Georgia continues its forward movement, including in the economic sector.

I can assure you that no economic project on our territory is under any threat. Furthermore, in this situation the countries of the region should exert even more effort to continue to implement promising regional projects according to plan.