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Tehran's policy seriously escalated tension in Azerbaijan-Iran relations

Author:

15.04.2023

Azerbaijani-Iranian relations continue to deteriorate. Over the past few months, Iranian policy has brought the situation to an intractable standstill, which some analysts believe can even lead to an armed conflict between the two neighbouring countries.

 

Interference in internal affairs is unacceptable

Today we can see an ongoing anti-Azerbaijani propaganda campaign unleashed by the media and military-political circles of Iran, including the Iranian authorities regularly threatening Azerbaijan. Moreover, there is an Iranian factor involved in the recent assassination attempt of parliamentarian Fazil Mustafa. Azerbaijani security services have identified and detained the perpetrators, including a wide network of Iranian agents in Azerbaijan. All these facts seriously damage the prospect of improving relations between the two states. So does the cessation of activities of the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran after the deadly armed attack on January 27. Azerbaijan declared four staff members of the Iranian embassy in Baku persona non-grata for activities that do not correspond to their diplomatic status and run counter to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Obviously, Azerbaijan's position amid the above actions and statements of the Iranian side is retaliatory in nature.

The Iranian parliament adopted a statement condemning the opening of Azerbaijan's embassy in Israel, as a step "contrary to the interests of the Islamic world". As a result, "the action of the Azerbaijani government will have many negative political consequences". Iranian MPs also appealed to Muslim countries and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to condemn Baku's policy.

In response, the Milli Majlis of Azerbaijan considered the statement adopted by the Iranian parliament as "another provocation by the Iranian side" and "interference in the internal affairs of Azerbaijan". Azerbaijani MPs pointed out that for almost 30 years Iran has turned a blind eye to the occupation of Azerbaijani territories by Armenia, and after the 44-day war ended in 2020 it moved to open actions against Baku, including the conduct of military exercises on the border with Azerbaijan, an armed attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran, and intensifying relations with Armenia.

As for the opening of an Azerbaijani embassy in Israel, this step, as the Milli Majlis stated, is "the sovereign right of Azerbaijan as an independent state". The unfounded accusations made in the statement of the Iranian parliament are unacceptable because there are diplomatic representations of Muslim countries such as Morocco, Chad, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Türkiye in Israel. "None of these countries has been subject to such a prejudiced attitude of Iran towards itself as Azerbaijan has," the Milli Majlis statement said, which specifically points to the establishment of an Azerbaijani diplomatic mission in Palestine as well.

Meanwhile, the Iranian mullocracy presents the partnership between Azerbaijan and Israel as a factor supposedly justifying Tehran's friendship and fraternisation with Islamophobic and Turkophobic Armenia. However, it is suffice to ask a simple question to smash this alleged justification to smithereens: has Israel occupied or does it occupy Iranian territory? Whereas there is irrefutable evidence of Iranian support for Armenia's long-standing military aggression against Azerbaijan.

During both the First and Second Karabakh Wars, Iran clearly, but mostly covertly, sided with Armenian invaders, sharing with them all the blame for the blood of Azerbaijani soldiers and civilians. It is no secret that Iran passed intelligence to Armenia, used Iranian territory to supply weapons to the Armenian side during the 44-day war, and attempted the Iranian armed forces to prevent the advance of the Azerbaijani army, which liberated Azerbaijani districts bordering the Islamic Republic in autumn 2020, among others.

Iran continues its pro-Armenian moves despite that Armenia destroyed the richest heritage of Azerbaijani Muslim culture in the territory which belongs to it now, but is the native Azerbaijani territory and during 30-year occupation of Garabagh and Eastern Zangezur. By the way, denying Azerbaijani identity of the destroyed heritage of Islamic culture, Armenia calls these monuments Persian. But the Islamic Republic of Iran has not made any serious statement condemning Armenian vandalism. This once again confirms that for the Iranian mullocracy religion is just a cover to implement dirty political goals. These include attempts to destabilise the situation in a number of Muslim countries, encouraging the activities of various terrorist organisations and creating spy networks operating under religious slogans. Azerbaijan has suffered, to a greater or lesser extent, from each of these components of Iran's policy of "exporting the Islamic revolution", although Azerbaijan is taking decisive steps to suppress the activities of Iranian influencers.  

 

What can end the confrontation?

Obviously, neither Baku nor Tehran is interested in the worsening of situation towards the final breakdown of bilateral relations. Moreover, Baku has long advocated the development and strengthening of good-neighbourly relations with Tehran, even despite the anti-Azerbaijani elements of Iranian policy.

Iran also realises that a military clash with Azerbaijan will have the detrimental consequences for it. For a number of reasons, related both to Azerbaijan's military power and its alliance with a number of influential powers, as well as the aspects of Iran's internal social and political life, including the threat of a territorial split of the state.

Not surprisingly, it was the Iranian side that initiated a telephone conversation between the foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Iran on April 7-8. According to the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, the ministers discussed in detail the current misunderstanding between the two countries, stressed the importance of continuing negotiations to eliminate these problems, and expressed respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of both states.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasir Kanani positively assessed the talks. Spokesman of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, Aykhan Hajizade, confirmed that foreign ministers had had a detailed exchange of views on the situation during telephone conversations. "The Azerbaijani side positively assesses these talks and considers it important to continue consultations," Hajizadeh said.

As we can see, the content of the conversation between the foreign ministers, as well as the comments by Hajizade and Kanani, show Baku and Tehran's desire to overcome the current crisis in bilateral relations or at least prevent its development into an even greater tension. Thus, there is a serious chance of a détente that would spare the region from the danger of another large-scale military escalation.

But is it possible without addressing the causes that directly contributed to the current Azerbaijani-Iranian crisis? Is it at all possible while Iranian politicians and generals make regular threats against Azerbaijan? Or the fact that the armed attack on the Azerbaijani embassy in Tehran has yet to be investigated and the responsible individuals be brought to justice?

Most importantly, Iran's anti-Azerbaijani policy goes in line with its demonstrative support for Armenia. In particular, Iran, which for three decades has remained indifferent to the Armenian occupation of Azerbaijani territories, including the border areas with Iran, calls a red-line the alleged threat to the territorial integrity of Armenia, despite the new reality established after the victory in the 44-day war. Following this logic, it is against the creation of the 40-km-long Armenian-Iranian border of the Zangezur corridor - a transport link that will connect the Republic of Azerbaijan with its autonomous Nakhchivan region and then to Türkiye. Not to mention that the Iranian policy also opposes further strengthening of the Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance as one of the key factors of regional security, politics and economy.

Is Tehran ready to take a constructive stance on this range of issues, which is the only way to ensure détente and contribute to overcoming the crisis in its relations with Baku? The intention expressed by the Iranian Foreign Minister Mr. Abdollahian to eliminate "misunderstandings" is certainly not enough to indicate a change in Iran's approach to dialogue with Azerbaijan.

In any case, Baku has never allowed and will not allow anyone, including Iran, to disrespect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and national interests of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Tehran must recognise this fact and act accordingly. Otherwise, an escalation of tension between Baku and Tehran can have the most undesirable consequences for the entire region, and above all for Iran itself.



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