CHOICE OF AUSTRIA AND BEYOND

The victory of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) in the general elections marks the first major success for the far-right in the Alpine country since World War II. This victory also has a pronounced significance for Europe as a whole, linked to the increasingly entrenched trend of strengthening the far-right political spectrum in Old World countries, often expressing positions of nationalism and xenophobia.

Welcome Herr Kikl

The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), led by Herbert Kikl, garnered 29.2% of the votes, while the ruling conservatives from the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), who came in second, secured 26.5% of the electorate's support. Next were the Social Democrats, who, as in the elections five years ago, received 21% of the votes.

Thus, the far-right now holds 58 seats in Austria's 183-seat parliament, while the conservatives have 52, and the Social Democrats have 41. Despite the fact that the FPÖ will not attain an absolute majority and therefore cannot independently form a government, this election outcome is undoubtedly a success for the far-right, which has become one of Austria's dominant parties.

The far-right has been part of Austria's political life for several decades. Since its founding in 1956, the FPÖ has participated in three governmental coalitions with conservatives — in 1983-1986, 2000-2006, and 2017-2019. However, their real influence was primarily limited to local government levels, while on a federal scale, they mostly served as junior partners to leading forces. Now, following their victory in the general elections, the FPÖ claims the right to lead the government.

It is no coincidence that Kikl declared his party has "opened the door to a new era." By this, he primarily means gaining the opportunity to realize FPÖ's top current task — building an impregnable "Fortress Austria" against migrants. The foreign policy highlights of the Austrian far-right's electoral program include establishing a barrier to Ukraine's accession to the European Union and prioritizing national interests in relations with the Russian Federation, particularly regarding the acquisition of Russian gas and reassessing Vienna's approach to Western anti-Russian sanctions.

However, will the FPÖ be able to gain a significant share of power to directly implement its goals?

Almost all other systemic political forces in Austria, not only the ÖVP and Social Democrats but also the Greens and liberals who became outsiders in this election, reject the possibility of entering into a coalition with the far-right. This is despite Kikl's loud claim that the FPÖ is ready to form a government with "any party," stating that "our hand is extended in all directions."

Opponents of the far-right inherently cannot envision an alliance with them due to fundamental ideological contradictions and even Kikl's promise to become a "people's chancellor" (Volkskanzler), reminiscent of slogans from Hitler's era in Nazi Germany.

In particular, ÖVP leader and acting Chancellor Karl Nehammer made it clear both before and after the elections that he would not work with the FPÖ, as he stated that "it is impossible to build a state with Kikl." The question remains whether opponents of the far-right can agree on forming a coalition government without the FPÖ. This task is not easy, as it requires uniting efforts between conservatives, Social Democrats, and at least one more small party, such as the "Greens." But will these forces be capable of setting aside their often significant disagreements for the sake of preventing the far-right from coming to power and starting to create a three-party coalition?

However, the problem for traditionally influential political forces in Austria lies in the fact that if they form a multi-party coalition, even as an opposition party, the FPÖ with its 58 parliamentary mandates will remain a significant factor in Vienna's politics. It will inevitably influence decision-making because it commands real support from a considerable part of the electorate. The key factor behind the success of Austrian far-right parties is that their slogans resonate with the social demands and requirements of many ordinary Austrians.

This primarily concerns the rise of anti-migrant sentiments. The current Austrian government under Nehammer also did not exhibit liberalism regarding the growing migration issue and called on the EU to close its borders. However, even such a stance did not find serious support among a significant portion of Austrian society demanding tougher measures against migration. Now, considering the FPÖ's victory — a sign of strengthening far-right forces — the possible formation of an Austrian government involving them suggests an expectation of stricter anti-migrant policies from Vienna. Kikl openly states that he will advocate for remigration, meaning deporting some residents of foreign origin, including those legally residing in Austria.

Changes are also anticipated in Vienna's foreign policy. Apparently, these could further solidify Austria's position as a non-NATO country with no intention of joining such alliances. This aligns perfectly with the law on permanent neutrality adopted in 1955, which states that Austria does not engage in military alliances or participate in military conflicts. This stance perfectly matches the current foreign policy credo of the far-right.

Nearly 70 years ago, at the dawn of the Cold War between West led by the USA and East led by the USSR, the FPÖ voted against Austria's neutrality, advocating for its active participation in NATO and fighting communism. Times have changed, and today, the FPÖ has embraced neutrality as a means to ensure Austria’s independence. Not wishing to be part of a globalist strategy from the West, Kikl advocates for lifting anti-Russian sanctions, especially in the oil and gas sector, and halting military support for Ukraine. Given all this, the prospect of far-right affirmation in power in Austria does not bring any joy to euro-bureaucracy, as it threatens not only with successes of far-right parties in other countries across the continent but also with vital interests of the EU and its very existence.

"Alliance of European Peoples" Instead of EU?

In recent years, far-right parties have achieved several significant victories across various EU member states. They are part of coalition governments in Italy, the Netherlands, Czech Republic, Croatia, and Finland. In Hungary, a party close to far-right ideals called Fidesz, led by Viktor Orban, is in power. The unwavering rise of far-right forces in France was evidenced by the success of Marine Le Pen's "National Rally" in June’s European Parliament elections.

A notable example is also the growing influence of Alternative for Germany (AfD). In European elections, it received a record 15.9% of votes and established itself as the largest political force in eastern Germany during recently held local elections. Specifically, AfD won elections for Parliament in Thuringia, marking its first similar success at local levels since Nazi rule.

Now Kikl's party's rise in Austria has become yet another sign of a more palpable radical shift across Europe. Forces opposing far-right ascendance sometimes manage to counter this by forming "broad coalitions." Conservatives and liberals, Social Democrats and "Greens," leftists, rightists, and centrists come together only to prevent nationalists from seizing power. However, this unification poses a challenge for coalitions: obvious ideological disagreements between participants do not contribute to governmental stability. This again plays into hands of far-right parties successfully leveraging growing public distrust toward traditional systemic parties.

Regardless of whether Austria adopts a broad coalition practice without far-right participation, it is evident that their strengthening has become not only an internal Austrian trend but also a broader European phenomenon. However, this extreme rightward shift signals a profound crisis within the EU as it raises questions about the long-term fate of the European project itself — a project aimed at diminishing roles for European states in favour of supranational structures and euro-bureaucracy — contrasting sharply with far-right politics which focuses on enhancing national sovereignty.

One factor undermining EU stability is far-right consolidation which also impacts European structures themselves. Following June’s European Parliament elections, a faction called "Patriots for Europe" was formed. Notably, Kikl’s party played a leading role in this initiative. The "Patriots for Europe" parliamentary faction includes far-right deputies from Hungary’s Fidesz, France’s National Rally, and Italy’s Lega Nord.

Interestingly, a gathering of right-wing radical leaders from Europe recently took place in Pontida, Italy. They convened in support of Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini — former Interior Minister — who may face a six-year prison sentence for obstructing migrants' disembarkation on Lampedusa Island in 2019. Among attendees at Pontida was Marlene Svazek — a representative from Austria's victorious Freedom Party.

The most significant guest was Hungarian Prime Minister Orban. "In Hungary, we honour Salvini as a hero because he closed borders and protected Italians," he stated. Orban threatened to put illegal migrants on a bus and send them to Brussels if the EU does not take action against migration. Responding to EU leadership which increases pressure on Budapest — threatening even isolation — Orban asserted that it is not Hungary that should leave the EU but Brussels that should be "occupied," taken back from bureaucrats, and returned to European people.

What should be understood by "returning to European people" was articulated by Salvini himself. He expressed confidence that EU leaders "cannot stop the sacred Alliance of European Peoples being born today from Pontida." This merely underscores what a threat further strengthening of far-right movements poses for the EU project.