HELPING THE NEEDY

Azerbaijan has delivered 200 tonnes of food as humanitarian aid to Syria. Given the current security situation in the country, air deliveries are not feasible, so the aid is being transported by land. This initiative follows a telephone conversation between Presidents Ilham Aliyev and Recep Tayyip Erdogan after the overthrow of Assad's regime, during which Baku expressed its readiness to assist, in partnership with brotherly Türkiye, in addressing Syria's pressing humanitarian needs. The country, ravaged by years of civil war, faces an overwhelming number of such challenges.

Analysts suggest that the delivery of food is only the beginning. In the future, Azerbaijani specialists may also contribute to clearing mines and unexploded ordnance in Syria. Following the liberation of Azerbaijani territories previously occupied by Armenia, the ANAMA demining agency has accumulated significant expertise in such operations. Additionally, Azerbaijan's experience in rebuilding towns and villages from scratch could prove invaluable in Syria. The success of these efforts will largely depend on whether the new Syrian authorities can achieve stability — a primary challenge for the country. So far, their initial steps appear promising.

Azerbaijan's Humanitarian Approach vs. EU Hesitation

Unlike many international actors, Azerbaijan did not wait for a new state system to be established in Syria or for the details of its domestic and foreign policies to become clear. This proactive approach sets Baku apart from Europe. In mid-December last year, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas sparked controversy in an interview with Le Figaro, stating that European aid to Syria, particularly humanitarian aid, will not be unconditional. She added that the EU would first need to ensure that Syria does not have a civil war, radicalisation, the oppression of minorities, or acts of retaliation and repression. This statement raised important questions: How long will Brussels take to verify these conditions? Do they not realise that a country devastated by civil war needs immediate humanitarian assistance, not delayed aid contingent on political reforms? The European Union has a history of imposing conditions related to human rights and democracy, and Brussels later attempted to clarify that Mrs. Kallas' remarks had been misinterpreted.

Following this statement, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock visited Syria and declared that Germany would not provide assistance unless equal rights for women were established. However, what Berlin specifically means by equality remains unclear.

In stark contrast, Azerbaijan has chosen not to impose any conditions or conduct checks on the new Syrian authorities. Baku believes in providing aid to those in desperate need without complicating the process with political demands.

From Humanitarian Aid to Strategic Diplomacy

Azerbaijan's efforts in Syria are not limited to humanitarian aid. Plans are already in motion to reopen the Azerbaijani embassy in Syria, which was closed following the outbreak of civil war. Azerbaijan is keen to strengthen its relations with both OIC member states and non-aligned nations while advancing its foreign policy on a global scale.

Experts have also raised the possibility of Azerbaijani investments in Syria. Azerbaijan is already a major investor in countries like Georgia and Türkiye, and while Syria presents unique challenges, Baku is working closely with Türkiye — a partnership that has surprised many observers.

During the Cold War, Syria was a key ally of the USSR, with Assad Senior promoting pan-Arabism and Arab socialism. After the Soviet Union's collapse, Russia assumed this role but with far fewer resources. The Kremlin only re-engaged with the Syrian issue in 2010, by which time the balance of power had shifted significantly. Syria had become a focal point for Iran's ambitions. The Assad family, belonging to the Alawite community — a branch of Shiite Islam — allowed Iran to integrate Syria into its religious-political agenda. Tehran was more interested in Damascus' strategic location than in theological details. Syria's proximity to Lebanon, home to Hezbollah, one of Iran's most influential proxies, and its border with Israel further heightened its importance. Iran established military bases and depots in Syria, helping Assad maintain his grip on power.

With Bashar al-Assad's overthrow, Tehran lost a critical ally and a strategic foothold, damaging its reputation in the complex Middle Eastern landscape. Despite calls from Iran's spiritual leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, for the Syrian people to revolt for Assad's restoration, most experts agree that Iran's influence in Syria has collapsed.

Certain factions within Iran's clergy have struggled to accept Azerbaijan's active engagement with the new Syrian authorities. This tension may explain recent anti-Azerbaijani remarks by Ayatollah Seyyid Hassan Ameli, the representative of Iran's supreme leader in Ardabil. He participated in a religious-political ceremony where derogatory statements were made against the presidents of Azerbaijan and Türkiye. Baku responded firmly by summoning Iran's Charge d'Affaires to the Foreign Ministry. Tehran quickly distanced itself from Ameli's comments, though it remains unclear whether this was enough to mend relations.

Injustice Committed Against Azerbaijan

As mentioned earlier, Baku and Damascus' collaboration extends beyond humanitarian aid. Discussions are already underway to reopen Azerbaijan's embassy in Syria, with Damascus expressing strong support for this move. An unnamed source within the Syrian government told the Arabic-language publication ArabAZ: Syria attaches great importance to relations with Azerbaijan, and the injustices committed against Azerbaijan during Assad's rule do not reflect the position of the Syrian people towards the Azerbaijani people.

The reference to injustices committed against Azerbaijan during Assad’s rule is significant. Even under Hafez al-Assad, Syria maintained strong ties with Armenia, including military cooperation. Reports suggest that fighters from Syria supported Armenia as early as the first Garabagh war. This connection may be linked to Armenia's first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who was of Syrian Armenian descent and born in Aleppo. Much of the military cooperation was facilitated through Lebanon, which was under Syrian control at the time.

There were initial hopes that Bashar al-Assad, educated in London and seen as a modernizer, would improve relations with neighbouring countries. He even recognized Türkiye's ownership of Hatay province and sought closer ties with Ankara, visiting Azerbaijan in 2009.

However, these hopes were dashed. Despite changes in leadership, Syria's policies remained largely unchanged, particularly regarding Turkish-Azerbaijani relations. During the 44-day war, there were reports of Syrian volunteers being sent to assist Armenia. Additionally, many illegal migrants— primarily former militants — arrived in then-occupied Garabagh from Syria. While Bashar al-Assad’s regime bore no formal responsibility for these actions, it is unlikely such movements could have occurred without governmental knowledge or consent.

Furthermore, during the Syrian civil war, young men recruited by Iranian intelligence were combat-tested in Assad’s military units. Figures like Tohid Ibrahimbeyli organized these efforts, and Yunis Safarov—who attempted to instigate a pro-Iranian uprising by shooting Ganja's executive branch head in July 2018 — was also slated for deployment to Syria.

With Armenia losing a key ally and witnessing its diplomats flee Aleppo as opposition forces advanced, memories resurfaced of desertions within Armenia’s military during the 44-day war.

Today, the new Syrian authorities have pledged to end past practices — a significant advantage for Azerbaijan — and tangible results are already emerging from these developments.