"IMPORTED" DEMOCRACY

The municipal elections in Iraq became the first serious test for the government system, which succeeded the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, since the withdrawal of US troops from the country in 2011. Although it is too early to talk about the final outcome of the electoral process in one of the most conflict-torn countries of the Middle East, the background of this political action speaks volumes about the strong disorder and triumph of terrorism in Iraq 10 years after the anti-Saddam military operation of the US and its allies.

Around 8,000 candidates competed for 378 seats in the provincial councils. About 50 per cent of the electorate came to the polls, and it is a relatively good result, bearing in mind that the election situation in Iraq was marked by a series of bombings and armed clashes. Suffice it to note that 14 candidates were killed during the election campaign. The government was forced to postpone the elections in two provinces inhabited predominantly by Sunnis, citing the lack of security for the residents of these areas. Sunni organizations, however, tend to believe that the Shiite-dominated government of Nuri al-Maliki postponed the elections for fear of the expected defeat in the election, not for security reasons.

In fact, it is the Sunni-Shiite confrontation, deliberately stoked by certain forces within the country and abroad, that is one of the main characteristics of modern Iraq. Under Saddam Hussein, the Sunnis were known to play a leading role in the political system of the country, and representatives of their community held leading positions in government agencies. However, with the fall of the dictator, the positions of Sunni political forces weakened significantly, which was greatly facilitated by the support of the multinational forces occupying Iraq for politicians and social groups that were in opposition to Saddam Hussein. And now accusations of discrimination are being levelled against Shiite politicians who control not only the government but also the organs of power in Baghdad and in the provinces of central and southern Iraq.

The municipal elections held in "post-American" Iraq for the first time did not defuse the situation, but, on the contrary, aggravated it even more. Two days after the election - on 21 April - more than 100 people were killed and about 200 were injured. Serious clashes were provoked by the authorities' attempted assault on the village of Hawija near the city of Kirkuk, where Sunnis had held mass demonstrations. The killings of protesters caused unrest in several other Sunni regions of the country, particularly in Anbar Province in western Iraq. In some cities of the country, a curfew was imposed.

In protest against the crackdown on the opposition-minded population, two Sunni leaders - Education Minister Muhammad Ali Tamim and Minister of Science and Technology Abdul Karim al-Samarrai - quit the government.

It would seem that the withdrawal of the US troops from Iraq at the end of 2011 would at least contribute to the relative stabilization of the situation in Iraq, which gained unprecedented fame for being a "hotbed of terrorism" over the years of foreign occupation. Although Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki made no secret of his commitment to Shiism as well as his loyalty to the West, which is hated by many Iraqis, he did not particularly flaunt his political and religious bias, and was therefore perceived as a leader and patriot able to consolidate the Iraqi people. It is not by chance that the former US ambassador to Iraq, Zalmay Khalilzad, once said that "al-Maliki is a man that is independent from Iran and positions himself as an Arab and nationalist above all".

But it was impossible to overcome the split among Iraqis along ethnic and religious lines (Shiite Arabs, Sunni Arabs and Kurds). In fact, the tasks that were assigned by the most active part of the Iraqi political community to Nuri al-Maliki at the dawn of his premiership were never realized - they provided for the proportional representation of major Iraqi communities and political blocs in the legislative and executive authorities. As a result, the main Sunni political bloc Iraqiya, which formed a government coalition together with the Kurdish bloc and the ruling Shiite party, suspended its participation in sessions of parliament, accusing the Shiite leaders of repeating Saddam Hussein's dictatorial ways.

Total hostility and war of all against all is the unfortunate reality in modern Iraq, which marked the tenth anniversary of the US military campaign on 20 March. It was called Operation Iraqi Freedom and one of its objectives was to establish democratic institutions in Iraq. In order to implement this "sacred mission", over 11,000 Iraqis were killed in the course of military operations involving US troops. And how many of them died from explosions arranged by various extremists who saw chaos-ridden Iraq as a coveted target for the realization of the "universal" plans ... Also, because of the continuing hostilities, Iraq has been shaken for more than 10 years by an ecological disaster caused by a marked increase in disease, especially among children. The Iraqi economy, once one of the strongest in the region, remains in ruins. The low level of water and electricity supplies to population centres, the hopeless crisis in the systems of Iraqi education and health, as well as pervasive corruption, embezzlement of the state budget, inefficient use of financial resources coming from oil exports - all these merciless realities of modern life undermine the authority of the Iraqi government and cause the majority of the population to reject it as they do not feel any major improvements in their lives since the overthrow of Saddam's regime.

But the main thing that depresses people is the inability of the authorities to restore order in the country and put an end to rampant terrorism and crime. This factor further stimulates the growth of dissent in Iraqi society and the deadly threat of split. The de facto independence of Iraqi Kurdistan, the threat of mass disobedience to the authorities in the Sunni provinces and uncompromising confrontation inside the main political camps - these are the visual manifestations of the growing Iraqi split.

According to many factors, certain external forces are interested in the latter - both those that implement the strategy of chaos controlled by Euro-Atlantists within the framework of the notorious "Greater Middle East" and those that seek to impose on the Arab world their world view on its future and the future of the entire Islamic community with the help of their numerous petrodollars. Thus, according to the world media, the Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf, controlled by Sunni clans of Salafi persuasion, render financial, material and military assistance to various Iraqi armed opposition groups through special services and non-government organizations. Thus, they are trying to take advantage of the protest movement of Iraqi Sunnis against the government of Nuri al-Maliki in their own interests.

Yet it would be desirable to find some reassuring touch in the modern Iraqi reality, which would allow us to assume that peace, harmony and democracy are possible in Iraq (though the latter does not necessarily have to take place based on the recipes of adherents of world liberal democracy). Some of those who protest against the government - both Sunnis and Shiites - hold joint Friday prayers, where they discuss the possibility of overcoming the domestic political crisis. Undoubtedly, in the ruling camp there are also proponents of overcoming the discord as soon as possible. The survival of the state they have created will depend on the efforts of all patriotic forces in Iraq that are aware of the harm of the division and hostility for the fate of the Iraqi people. The next election test awaiting Iraq is even more serious in nature. We are talking about the parliamentary elections to be held in 2014. In many respects, their outcome will show whether the Iraqis will be able to prevent the chaos that threatens the independence or territorial integrity of the country and finally form a government that enjoys the trust of the majority of the population.