LOOKING FOR THE GOLDEN MEAN

The chairman of the State Committee for Work with Religious Associa-tions, Hidayat Ocurov, paid a three-day visit to Georgia in mid-November. During the visit he met with the Patriarch-Catholicos of All Georgia, Iliya the Second, who shared his impressions of his recent visit to Baku and said that he had held very fruitful discussions with the Azerbaijani leadership. The patriarch spoke highly of the agreement reached to build a Georgian church in Baku and promised to facilitate a solution to the problems faced by Azerbaijani mosques in Georgia.

This topic apparently topped Orucov's agenda during his visit. The problems of Azerbaijani mosques in Georgia began to surface following an incident in the village of Fahrali, in Georgia's Bolnisi District, where a number of priests and representatives of local law-enforcement agencies attempted to hamper the reconstruction of a local mosque.

According to Iliya the Second, a mistake was made at the very beginning. "In our countries such matters are usually agreed with the authorities, while in Fahrali the reconstruction went ahead without prior consent. We will try to resolve this problem," the patriarch promised.

Orucov, for his part, pointed to the friendship and strategic partnership between the two countries, adding that both were interested in resolving all problems within a legal framework.

In a meeting with the Azerbai-jani official, the Georgian State Minister on Diaspora issues, Yulon Gagoshidze, expressed his confidence that such issues could not hurt bilateral relations and any problem would be resolved within the framework of the law.

Indeed, Georgia is not interested in worsening relations with Azerbaijan, which has proved to be a reliable partner and, perhaps, Georgia's only support in the region. On the other hand, both countries are suffering from separatism, which further necessitates agreement to oppose separatist forces.

It is quite important that much is being done to resolve the problems of ethnic minorities living in different parts of the country. In the case of Azerbaijan and Georgia this issue is of special importance. Those not interested in the resolution of ethnic conflicts within the two countries have not given up their attempts to provoke tension. However, both Baku and Tbilisi are working consistently towards the protection of the rights of ethnic minorities, their integration into social and political processes and full engagement in the public and political lives of the countries. Azerbaijan has achieved remarkable results to this end. Many international organizations recognise that Azerbaijan is one of the most ethnically and religiously tolerant countries in the region and can be an example, even for countries with century-long democratic traditions. Much is also being done in Georgia. Unfortunately, cases of abuse of the rights of ethnic Azerbaijanis, who are Georgia's largest minority, are blemishing Tbilisi's policies in this area. 

According to different estimates, the Azerbaijani community in Georgia consists of 500,000 to 700,000 people. Ethnic Azerbaijanis live in Kvemo Kartli. At the same time, Azerbaijanis make up 77 per cent of the population of Marneuli, 66 per cent of Bolnisi, 64 per cent of Dmanisi and 43 per cent of the Gardabani District. The Kvemo Kartli District (the Azerbaijani name is Borcali) is located on the border of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

It is worth mentioning that the most serious abuses of ethnic minorities were committed in Georgia during the country's first presidency, of Z. Gamsakhurdiya, whose policies were based on ethnocentrism. Although a lot has been done in subsequent years to rectify the situation, there are still quite a few instances of what ethnic Azerbaijanis see as flagrant breaches of their rights.

For instance, the Azerbaijani population in the Gardabani District issued a statement that the local administration is not keeping its promise concerning the distribution of one hectare of agricultural land to each family. Almost all the land has been distributed between Geor-gians, with only a minute share handed out to ethnic Azerbaijanis. Most of the local population is engaged in agricultural production.

Abuses of ethnic Azerbaijanis are also reflected in a report by the Mtredi NGO. It says that the village of Muganli in the Gardabani District, with an ethnic Azerbaijani population of more than 5,000 people, borders on the Georgian village of Sartichala, which has a Georgian population of around 8,000 people. The two villages share an executive authority. Whereas until 2003 Muganli was indicated on all state documents and maps, as well as on the ID cards of local villagers, in 2003 Muganli began to disappear from the documents of executive bodies and electoral commissions, and the name of Sartichala appeared instead. 

In 2008, after numerous complaints sent to all executive bodies, including the Georgian president, a sign giving the village name as Muganli was put up at the entrance to the village in the run-up to parliamentary elections, but provocateurs knocked it down the following day. The local police and security bodies reacted with indifference.

The Mtrdeli report also describes cases of discrimination against the ethnic Azerbaijanis of Muganli in the privatization of land, distribution of the local budget and the construction of social infrastructure. For instance, the adjacent Georgian village of Sartichala has seen the construction of a stadium and a fitness centre, an upgrade of the water supply system, it has received assistance with the construction of a church, the replacement of power lines, irrigation canals etc. Meanwhile, only 30-40 per cent of the Muganli population has a water supply. In fact, water is supplied only once in two to three weeks.

Muganli villagers have had a very difficult time seeking permission for the construction of a mosque, as local authorities have done their best to hamper the process. But even after permission was granted, the daily visits by local police and executive officials, demanding that the construction be stopped, did not end. For comparison, the report says that there are three churches in Sartichala. A similar religious situation is observed in other districts, say the authors of the research.

In the village of Fahrali in the Bolnisi District and in several villages of the Gardabani District a number of NGOs are hampering the reconstruction of old mosques, while local authorities claim that there is nothing they can do about it. Crosses are still put up in all villages in Bolnisi, even in Muslim cemeteries. For instance, the local branch of the Georgian patriarchate is erecting crosses 7-10 metres high in the villages of Gochulu and Kapanakchi, which are predominantly populated by Azerbaijanis.

A similar situation can be seen in the replacement of Azerbaijani names by Georgian ones, which is causing legitimate concerns among local Azerbaijanis. There are many problems in the education of Georgia's Azerbaijani population. There is only one Azerbaijani secondary school in the village of Muganli, with four Georgian schools operating in neighbouring Sartichala. Of the 167 Azerbaijani schools which used to function, 50 have been shut down. The material and technical provision of existing schools leaves a lot to be desired.

The decision of the Georgian authorities on compulsory knowledge of the state language, i.e. Georgian, by government officials has exacerbated the plight of Azerbaijanis even further. Of course this decision fully complies with the Georgian Constitution, and any citizen, regardless of ethnic and religious affiliation, must speak the state language. Even the local Azerbaijanis acknowledge that this shortcoming represents a serious obstacle to their integration into the country's public and political life and hampers their free participation in public bodies. However, they are concerned that Georgians are being appointed as principals of Azerbaijani schools. 

Besides, due to the unresolved status of social and economic problems, the Azerbaijani population is migrating to Azerbaijan, which also leads to the closure of Azerbaijani schools. According to representatives of the Azerbaijani community in Georgia, there are also many problems in cultural matters. Today, the Azerbaijani theatre in Tbilisi is led by a young and talented director G. Kopanadze. Most of the actors are also Georgians. However, local Azerbaijanis believe that no matter how young and talented the director and actors might be, they cannot stage an Azerbaijani-language play the way an Azerbaijani director and actors would. For comparison, an Armenian theatre in Samtskhe-Javakheti is led by an ethnic Armenian. And Azerbaijanis see this as discrimination against their rights.

Even stranger is the situation in the village of Sadahli, the biggest settlement in the Marneuli District. Over the last few years Armenian border troops have been carrying out a creeping annexation of this predominantly Azerbaijani-populated district of Georgia. The seizure of forests and pastures by Armenian border troops and threats to seize arable land near Sadahli and surrounding villages have become commonplace. Villagers think that this creeping aggression towards Georgian lands populated by Azerbaijanis is taking place with the connivance of both the local and central authorities of the country. Until recently there was an immense outdoor market, which helped villagers eke out a living. This also led to population growth, as the village of Sadahli numbered 15,000 people at its peak. However, the Georgian government ordered the closure of the market under the pretext of a campaign against smuggling. As a result, the local population was impoverished and began to leave. Today the village has a population of fewer than 10,000 people. 

The closure of the market was immediately taken advantage of by Armenia, which established a similar market on its own side. Now Azerbaijanis will often have to risk their lives by crossing the border into Armenia.

It is worth mentioning that the problems of ethnic Azerbaijanis in Georgia are also stressed in the report by the Council of Europe's Consultative Committee of the Framework Convention on the Protection of Ethnic Minorities. The Consultative Committee points out with regret that Georgian law-enforcement agencies do not provide sufficient protection for persons belonging to the Azerbaijani minority and living in districts bordering Armenia. These people are subjected to violence and seizure of land, property and livestock. There are also reports of people going missing.  

The report expresses disappointment that no measures are in place to rectify the situation regarding the changes from the traditional place-names of ethnic minorities, which were introduced in the 1990s. Such areas include the Azerbaijani villages in Kvemo-Kartli. The Committee indicates with interest that there are a large number of schools in Georgia which provide teaching in the languages of ethnic minorities. However, their number is declining. Some Georgian-language schools also provide teaching of ethnic minority languages. Nevertheless, it says, such a system has a number of serious drawbacks. 

The requirement to teach history, geography and literature in the Georgian language, starting from 2010-2011, is causing a fair amount of discontent among ethnic minorities. It is important to ensure that reforms in the educational sector are not carried out at the expense of ethnic minorities. Another source of concern is the emigration of many (the most educated) young members of ethnic minorities.

The Council of Europe also voiced its concern about effective participation of ethnic minorities in public life. While ethnic Armenians are widely represented in elective assemblies in Samtskhe-Javakheti, the representation of ethnic Azerbaijanis in Kvemo-Kartli is quite limited. The Committee also touched upon the problems faced by ethnic Azerbaijanis due to restrictions introduced on the sale of agricultural products, the redistribution of land in areas bordering on Armenia, the crossing of the Georgian-Azerbaijani border and poor representation in executive authorities, senior positions and public service. One more issue of concern is the large-scale resettlement of ethnic minorities, which has led to certain tensions. This was observed in Kvemo-Kartli in the 1990s, when a large number of people from Svanetiya were settled there.

At the same time, some comments by Georgian authorities should also be taken into consideration: that Azerbaijanis are not well integrated into Georgian society, do not want to learn Georgian and are therefore restricting their own opportunities. The closure of Azerbaijani schools takes place exclusively because there are not sufficient pupils, while the restrictions on the allocation of land in borderline districts are explained by the authorities' desire to preserve the territorial integrity of Georgia.

Indeed, it is difficult to disagree with these arguments. Azerbaijanis living in the country should work on these aspects to find an acceptable solution. However, the measures taken by Georgian authorities should be of a preventive nature.

Another issue is also worth mentioning. While 500,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis are represented in the Georgian parliament by one MP, 150,000 ethnic Armenians have three MPs representing them.

Such a state of affairs can hardly be described as normal. The Georgian authorities should also bear in mind that, unlike Armenians, Azerbaijanis have never made any separatist claims against Georgia. The demands put forward by ethnic Azerbaijanis are devoid of politics. They concern basic socio-economic, cultural and legal problems. Most importantly, the Azerbaijani authorities, unlike those of Armenia, have never urged Tbilisi to give the Azerbaijani language the status of a state language within Georgia. 

Whereas Tbilisi faces a tall order in Armenian-populated Samtskhe-Javakheti, in Kvemo-Kartli a separatist mood is completely absent. Yes, the unresolved status of the social and cultural problems of Azerbaijanis does pose a threat to Georgia's national security, but it does not emanate from the Azerbaijani population, rather it comes from Armenian national separatists who have repeatedly tried to take advantage of this discontent. Luckily, not only have Azerbaijanis ignored such calls, they even condemned them.

Certain provocative forces are still pursuing the sordid tactic of stirring up mistrust between Georgians and ethnic Azerbaijanis. For example, "free" journalist Vano Tumanishvili is worried that the Georgians driven out of Abkhazia and South Ossetia will be deliberately settled in Samtskhe-Javakheti, thus oppressing "poor" Armenians. The local Armenians turn out to have been "deprived of the most basic rights of self-administration, of the opportunity to solve their own problems, experiencing the continuous discriminatory policies of the authorities and unable to remain tight-lipped at the prospect of losing their majority in the district". He accuses the Georgian authorities of phantom-phobia and of tribal and chauvinistic policies towards local Armenians. He cites the Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Protection of Ethnic Minorities and empathizes with Georgia's ethnic Armenians. He mentions this in connection with Meskhetian Turks, but from a completely different angle. "The migrant contingent of Meskhetian Turks is already near. The Europeans are defending their rights, and not because their policies are selective. Europe wants to buy off Turkey with this pittance. So Armenians should not be a serious problem. There are 'bright' prospects in store for Georgia," he said. In his article "Georgia in the Turkish-Armenian ring", Vano Tumanishvili indicates that the most serious ethno-demographic threat to Georgian's national security is the fact that five administrative districts of Georgia (Marneuli, Bolnisi, Dmanisi, Gardabani and Sagaredzho) are home to a large Azerbaijani community, and in four of these districts Azerbaijanis comprise an absolute majority of the population. "In the future, the Azerbaijani population, being an economic and political counteragent of the Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance, may establish new concentrations in southern Georgia, Ajaria and other places, thus integrating with Meskhetian Turks into a new ethnicity. If the process of the repatriation of Meskhetian Turks does commence, it will soon become unmanageable for Georgian authorities. It is beyond all doubt that Turkey and Azerbaijan will use local Azerbaijanis to seek their political and geo-economic goals, as is already becoming a reality. There is no reason for ethnic Azerbaijanis to seek a separation of their ethnic territories - they will soon face the prospect of assimilating and absorbing Georgia proper. Such plans will sooner or later come to the agenda. Georgia has yet to demonstrate its ability to counter effectively the plans of the Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance and prefers to stay within the orbit of its policies. Only a handful of truly far-sighted Georgian politicians are capable of seeing this threat. These threats were clearly seen by Georgia's first president Z. Gamsakhurdiya."

Let's agree that in addition to serving certain interests, such provocative articles by "free" journalists further aggravate the situation in the area of minority rights. One thing, however, is beyond doubt - not only the Georgian authorities, but those in every country should be able to distinguish between the problems, goals and objectives of ethnic minorities. There is a huge difference, isn't there, between those trying to have their problems resolved through integration and those who, under the pretext of existing socio-economic problems, are trying to carry out annexation in favour of the "great motherland"? This is the heart of the matter.

This is confirmed by the stiff resistance that Armenians from Samtskhe-Javakheti offered to the implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Akhalkalaki-Kars project, even though it facilitates the creation of new jobs and solutions to many socio-economic problems in Georgia. The hysteria raised by Armenians and their benefactors over the return of Meskhetian Turks to their homelands is explained by the fact that, together with Georgia's ethnic Azerbaijanis, they would be a stumbling block to Armenian separatist plans. Unlike Armenians, they think Georgia is their home. And Azerbaijan was the first and the only post-Soviet country to extend Georgia a helping hand. This is explained not only by the overlapping geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the two countries, but also the fact that Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis have always advocated good neighbourliness in the region. For this reason, Georgia's ethnic Azerbaijanis have the right to count on complete understanding from the Georgian authorities.