PROVOCATION AT THE BORDERLINE

Artificially inflated tensions around the Keshikchidagh border complex are yet another durability test of the strategic partnership and good-neighbourly relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia.

Keshikchidagh Complex

The temple complex Keshikchidagh, which in Azerbaijani stands for a watchtower mountain, or David Gareji, as Georgians know it, is divided by hills into two parts. It includes numerous historical, architectural and religious sites, which are literally scattered on the 25-kilometer stretch of the Azerbaijani-Georgian border. Monasteries of Keshikchidagh are the legacy of one of the ancient states on the territory of Azerbaijan — Caucasian Albania, which, by the way, was the first state in the history that adopted Christianity as official religion. With the adoption of Islam, the majority of population in Azerbaijan lost interest in the temple, and the position of the Albanian church was significantly weakened. Legally, however, this process reached its logical conclusion after the conquest of the South Caucasus by Russia and the abolition of the Albanian church by the decree of Russian emperor Nicholas I.

In 1995, several years after the restoration of independence by Azerbaijan and Georgia, both countries began negotiations on the delimitation of the state border. Prior to the final delimitation, it was decided to assume that the state border runs along the former administrative borderline that existed during the USSR period. The state commissions of both countries agreed on the delimitation of 66% of the border (314 of 480 km). The negotiations are ongoing to finalise the demarcation process.

Demarcation is necessary

It all started when a number of Georgian media outlets made unreasonable reports on the temporary restriction by Azerbaijani border guards of access to the Keshikchidag monastery complex. Remarkably, they did not mention the reason for such a decision. As a result, Georgian clergy and pilgrims have been denied access to the Christian shrine for a few days. Moreover, the passions did not subside even after the removal of the restriction after a short time, which finally convinced that certain circles in Georgia were trying to push the two friendly countries to exacerbate mutual relations.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan initially made it clear that the decision taken on the short-term restriction of access to Keshikchidagh is in no way against Georgia. The calm atmosphere in which Azerbaijani border guards carried out this task only confirmed the veracity of this statement: Baku, in principle, does not take steps that infringe on the interests of Tbilisi as its nearest neighbour and partner. According to the chairman of the National Congress of Georgian Azerbaijanis, Ali Babayev, the Azerbaijani leadership could decide on the temporary closure of the border section as part of measures during Formula-1 in Baku "for counterterrorist purposes, that is to prevent possible penetration into the territory of Azerbaijan the malefactors acting in interests of one of the adjacent states ". In other words, the decision of Azerbaijan is motivated by security considerations, which, of course, does not go against the interests of friendly Georgia. Moreover, there was not and is no real reason for demonstrating the force that can escalate tension around Keshikchidagh.

Azerbaijan has always approached this issue exclusively in the spirit of friendship and good neighbourliness. Baku respects the veneration of the Albanian monastery complex by Georgian Christians. Therefore, making an exception to the rules, Azerbaijan allows Georgian priests and pilgrims to freely cross the border and visit the temples of Keshikchidagh, and recognises the need for a speedy delimitation of the Azerbaijani-Georgian border.

By the way, on May 14, Baku hosted the first working meeting of the chairmen of the commissions on the delimitation of the state border of Georgia and Azerbaijan. The meeting was attended by the special representative of the Georgian Prime Minister, First Deputy Foreign Minister Lasha Darsalia and the special representative of the President of Azerbaijan, Deputy Foreign Minister Khalaf Khalafov. According to the Georgian Foreign Ministry, "both parties expressed readiness for a constructive approach and underlined the need to consider good-neighbourly relations and strategic partnership between Azerbaijan and Georgia." Most importantly, Khalafov and Darsalia highlighted the unacceptability of provocations around the Keshikchidag complex.

According to the press service of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, the deputy foreign ministers decided to hold regular meetings of state commissions on the delimitation of the Azerbaijani-Georgian state border in the last decade of May. The ministry notes that the state commissions have so far held 11 meetings. As part of this process, the parties agreed on 314 of the 480 km of the Azerbaijani-Georgian state border. "Currently, our experts are working on the remaining section of the border, which is 166 km long," Interfax-Azerbaijan reports quoting the press service of the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry.

The ministry also notes that before the Easter, Georgian border guards appealed to the Azerbaijani side with a request to provide a simplified passage to the Keshikchidagh complex.

"Considering the spirit of close cooperation with Georgia, Azerbaijan's response to this appeal was positive. Georgia made a new appeal on the preservation of the same regime next week. Azerbaijan reacted with understanding to this appeal, stating the need to complete delimitation works as soon as possible. We expect that the delimitation of the Azerbaijani-Georgian state border will be completed as soon as possible," Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry said.

Azerbaijan appreciated the statement of the Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili during her recent visit to Baku: "Based on our friendship, we decided to entrust the delimitation commission to resume its work and complete it. The border is also a factor uniting us. I hope that this issue will be resolved on the basis of friendly relations." However, it is worth mentioning that the situation around Keshikchidagh aggravated in late April, immediately after the Georgian leader visited the border zone and called for a speedy demarcation of the border.

Dangerous game

It is quite likely that some political circles of Georgia recognised the trip of Salome Zurabishvili to the Keshikchidagh Mountain and her statement as a call to action. However, their interpretation did not match with the spirit of Azerbaijani-Georgian relations.

Former member of the Georgian parliament Shalva Natelashvili made some offensive statements against Azerbaijanis during a visit to the border with Azerbaijan. Another retired politician, former Georgian defence minister Irakli Okruashvili also made anti-Azerbaijani statements in social networks, where, in particular, he recalled how in 2005 he "threatened to expel 500,000 Azerbaijanis from Georgia."

Another event clearly targeting the Azerbaijan-Georgia alliance was the demonstration of some activists trying to show that the territory of Keshikchidagh was "a historical part of Georgia." The same is true for the patrol teams on the territory of David Gareji announced by the Strength in Unity movement. However, while the organisers of these actions hypocritically refer to the good-neighbourly relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia, they fail to explain why they make such a fuss of nothing, if they really are not interested in deteriorating bilateral relations?

The key point in this issue is the following: is the surge of anti-Azerbaijani sentiments in Georgia a sole initiative of the authors of actions and statements against the interests of both countries? Some analysts mention that the anti-Azerbaijani campaign could well be triggered by Georgian authorities. As an evidence, they underline the scale and synchronism of provocative actions, which have taken place with a tacit consent of Tbilisi. Proponents of this scenario also claim that it is not the first time that the appearance of new faces in the Georgian leadership is accompanied by anti-Azerbaijani demarches targeting certain economic preferences from Baku.

Speaking about the preferences, provocateurs who allegedly fight for the fate of David Gareji forget about many Georgian churches heated by Azerbaijani gas for free. Is this not a sign of Baku’s extremely respectful attitude towards the spirit of good-neighbourly relations and the spiritual values ​​of the Georgian people?!

Interestingly, Georgian political circles do not demonstrate similar vigilance in countering the Armenian Church, which claims hundreds of Georgian churches. Back in January 2015, the Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church in Georgia sent an official letter to Georgian Prime Minister including a list of 442 churches claimed by Echmiadzin. It was about not only churches but also their lands, that is the colossal property on the territory of Georgia, which Echmiadzin wants to subjugate.

By the way, the only party that has always been interested in the deterioration of relations between Georgia and Azerbaijan is Armenia. Perhaps, the same interest has played its role in the Keshikchidagh issue as well.

It is also likely that the agreement between Tbilisi and the Russian Gazprom on the purchase of small volumes of natural gas has also contributed to anti-Azerbaijani campaign. Georgia has not bought gas from Russia since 2006. Tbilisi explains the agreement with Gazprom simply as a tool to diversify the supply of natural gas to Georgia. Perhaps, this 'diversification incentive' has triggered inadequate fantasies with pronounced anti-Azerbaijani overtones in the minds of certain Georgian influence groups. Remarkably though the same groups do not factor in the participation of Georgia in largescale energy and communication projects promoted by Azerbaijan, including the billion-dollar investment of Baku in the Georgian economy, let alone the considerable moral, political, financial and economic support provided by Azerbaijan in the most dramatic moments of Georgian modern history.

So is this dangerous game, which can undermine the long-standing friendship and partnership with Azerbaijan worth the effort? After all, hopes that the anti-Azerbaijani hysteria will put pressure on Baku have been dashed. The existing level of Georgian-Azerbaijani relations and the official position of the parties on border delimitation give us hope that Keshikchidagh will become a unifying factor between the two neighbouring nations.