UNDER PRESSURE FROM THE US AND EU

The crisis in relations between Georgia and the West continues. No matter how much the Georgian Dream government tries to convince the European Union and the US of its strategic commitment to a pro-Western course, they are clearly in no hurry to heed its calls to restore the previous level of partnership. Moreover, they have not abandoned the use of sanctions to pressure official Tbilisi.

Hipper, Fischer, and Ward

The alienation in the dialogue between Georgia and the EU is deepening with particular intensity. The latter essentially refuses to recognise the legitimacy of the "Georgian Dream" government following the parliamentary elections of October 2024, the results of which are disputed by the radically pro-Western Georgian opposition. Brussels also has not backed away from supporting the mass protest actions organised by the Georgian opposition, which periodically engulf Tbilisi and other Georgian cities. At the heart of the schism between the authorities and the opposition, as well as the European Union standing behind it, lies a geopolitical factor. "Georgian Dream" is criticised for pursuing a pro-Russian course and abandoning European integration, whereas the government of Irakli Kobakhidze itself declares its commitment to the country's Euro-Atlantic orientation, but on the condition of respecting its sovereignty and preserving Georgian national identity.

However, the crisis between Tbilisi and Brussels has already moved beyond ideological disagreements, as the EU is prepared to apply sanctions against Georgia. In any case, European Commission spokesperson Anita Hipper allowed for the possibility of sanctions and the suspension of the visa-free regime, recalling that the EU has "already reduced the level of political contacts with Georgia and stopped financial assistance to the authorities, while strengthening support for civil society." Another reason for Brussels' indignation was the arrests of the leaders of the pro-Western "Coalition for Change"—Zurab Japaridze, Nika Gvaramia, Nika Melia, and Elene Khoshtaria. Brussels considers them political prisoners and, declaring "full solidarity with these individuals," calls for "their immediate release."

The crisis is also growing along the lines of individual European states. Germany, for instance, is not shying away from a potential disruption in its relations with Georgia. This is evidenced by the regular criticisms from the German ambassador in Tbilisi, Peter Fischer, against the Georgian authorities and his open support for the country's opposition forces. Because of this, Fischer was officially summoned to the Georgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where it was explained to him that "according to the Vienna Convention, a member of a diplomatic mission is obliged to respect the laws and regulations of the receiving state, and is also obliged not to interfere in the internal affairs of the receiving state." The German Foreign Ministry responded with a statement asserting that "the German ambassador represents the position of the federal government and is acting in full compliance with the Vienna Convention." This in itself is further confirmation of Berlin's readiness to continue its confrontational line in relations with Tbilisi.

Meanwhile, the diplomatic "tempests" were a result of the activities not only of the German Fischer but also of Gareth Ward, the head of the United Kingdom's diplomatic mission in Georgia. Although the United Kingdom is not a member of the EU, its policy regarding Georgia is fully aligned with that of Europe. Moreover, London has already imposed restrictions on certain individuals from the inner circle of Bidzina Ivanishvili—the billionaire founder of "Georgian Dream," who is considered the de facto leader of Georgia. Former Georgian Prosecutor General Otar Partskhaladze and media magnate Levan Vasadze, who are accused of supporting Russia's war against Ukraine, have fallen under British sanctions. At the same time, the British ambassador, Ward, who was summoned to the Georgian Foreign Ministry immediately after Fischer, has also taken certain steps and made statements against the policy of official Tbilisi.

The difficulties in the dialogue between Tbilisi and the West are also developing in the sphere of Georgian-American relations, although this case has its own unique dynamic, which has taken shape with the return of Donald Trump to the White House.

A pondering Trump and Kavelashvili in New York

The United States, back in late 2024 under the previous Democratic administration, imposed personal sanctions on Ivanishvili for "undermining democratic processes and rapprochement with Russia." Washington's cold attitude toward the Georgian leadership was also manifested in the annulment of the US-Georgia Strategic Partnership treaty and the withdrawal of an invitation for Prime Minister Kobakhidze to attend a reception hosted by then-US President Joe Biden, as a participant in the UN General Assembly session.

The next chapter involves the promotion of the MEGOBARI Act, a law intended "to strengthen and expand Georgia's capabilities for accountability, resilience, and independence." The corresponding bill was introduced for consideration in the US Congress in May of last year, then failed several times, but was back on the agenda early this year. In March, it was approved by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and in May, the MEGOBARI Act was passed by the House of Representatives. It confirms US support for Georgia's Euro-Atlantic integration and provides for the imposition of sanctions against the "Georgian Dream" government. Important provisions of the MEGOBARI Act also include initiating a complete review of US-Georgia relations, supporting Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity in the face of the ongoing illegal Russian occupation, and "supporting the civil society that is working to protect the Georgian people and the Constitution of Georgia from the improper behaviour of the 'Georgian Dream' authorities."

To come into force, the law must be approved by the Senate and signed by President Trump. The Georgian leadership is pinning its hopes on the current occupant of the White House not only refusing to sign the MEGOBARI Act but also improving relations between Washington and Tbilisi.

Back in May 2025, nearly four months after Trump's return to the leadership of the United States, Georgian Prime Minister Kobakhidze wrote an open letter to him and US Vice President JD Vance. In it, he recalled his previous statements expressing Georgia's readiness "to renew the strategic partnership between Georgia and the US from a clean slate, with a concrete roadmap."

On September 1, President of Georgia Mikheil Kavelashvili addressed an open letter to Trump. He stated his intention to personally contribute to a "reset" of relations with the US "from a clean slate based on a concrete roadmap" and to restore the bilateral strategic partnership, which was disrupted by the Biden administration "in the context of the unjust, rude, and aggressive policy it conducted towards various sovereign states." Kavelashvili placed special emphasis on the "coincidence of values and worldview" between the authorities of Georgia and the US. Based on this, the Georgian president expressed his bewilderment that the new administration in Washington has so far not paid due attention to Tbilisi, whereas President Trump has paid attention to all of Georgia's neighbours, "managed to help formalise a peace agreement for Azerbaijan and Armenia, established active cooperation with the authorities of Türkiye, and even restored partnership with Vladimir Putin." Kavelashvili did not rule out that with respect to Georgia, "the deep state" in the US is "more active" against a backdrop of "passivity" from the White House administration.

On the same day, September 1, Prime Minister Kobakhidze also stated that the main obstacle to restoring Georgian-American relations could be the influence of the "deep state" in the US. Commenting on Kavelashvili's letter to Trump, Kobakhidze confirmed: "Our message is known to everyone: we want to start from a clean slate and restore the strategic partnership between Georgia and the US with a concrete roadmap." He stressed that "if the 'deep state' does not gain strength, nothing can prevent the restoration of relations between Georgia and the US."

Soon after, the Mayor of Tbilisi and Secretary General of the "Georgian Dream – Democratic Georgia" party, Kakha Kaladze, also spoke on the same topic. Recalling that US President Trump made two main promises—to stop the Russian-Ukrainian war and to expose the "deep state"—he confirmed the Georgian government's readiness "to start relations with the US from a clean slate, to deepen them and make them friendly."

However, the Trump administration, whether due to a lack of a "Georgian" priority or because it believes, similar to the EU, that official Tbilisi's policy better serves Russia's interests than the West's, is not taking any serious steps to restore the partnership with Georgia. It is noteworthy that US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, having hosted a transatlantic dinner in New York on the sidelines of the 80th session of the UN General Assembly, did not invite the Georgian Foreign Minister, Maka Bochorishvili. Yet, this dinner was attended not only by the foreign ministers of EU and NATO member states but also by their colleagues from Azerbaijan, Armenia, Ukraine, and Switzerland.

True, the President of Georgia, Kavelashvili, did receive an invitation and took part in an official reception hosted by US President Trump. And, incidentally, in a personal conversation with Trump, he proposed starting bilateral relations "from a clean slate." However, a clear answer from Trump was not forthcoming. As Kavelashvili himself admitted a little later, Trump "replied that he will follow up on this matter and will definitely get back to the topic by contacting me." Regarding this, Kavelashvili told journalists: "We are waiting for a response."

Meanwhile, the head of the Georgian state affirmed Tbilisi's commitment to a sovereign policy at a much more impressive event than a reception with the US president. Speaking at the UN General Assembly session, Kavelashvili declared Georgia's openness "to conducting dialogue on issues of global and regional significance with all parties, taking into account our national interests." He stressed that the Georgian leadership is pursuing the task of developing "constructive relations based on mutual respect and mutual benefit," particularly with the US and the EU. "We are open to any dialogue and cooperation, but at the same time, we demand fair and dignified treatment. What the Georgian people will never accept is the language of ultimatums, blackmail, and intimidation," Kavelashvili warned.

In this connection, the question arises: will the West accept Georgia's position, which strives for Euro-Atlantic integration on the condition that its sovereignty and identity are respected? This question serves simultaneously as a reproach to the European Union, which makes its relations with partners dependent on their compliance with neoliberal, anti-sovereign moulds, and, in essence, as a test of sorts for the US administration. The expected response from Trump, awaited by the Georgian authorities, should clarify how consistent he will be in his professed fight against neoliberal globalism, in upholding the principle of state sovereignty, and in defending national values. Or will his, Trump's, efforts in these directions be limited only to the confines of the United States?